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PRILOZI, PISMA I DISKUSIJE - IX > Ragovanja iz dijaspore povodom kvalifikovane vecine za CG referendum

22 Feb 2006

   Wednesday, February 22, 2006 1:56 PM

Nedavni diktat Briselske administracije Crnoj Gori i njenim gradanima da se odluka na
referendumu prihvati kao legitimna ako se gradani Crne Gore koji podržavaju nezavisnost degradiraju
u manje vrijedne od ostalih gradana u Crnoj Gori i svijetu, je u najmanju ruku uvredljiv za sve
Crnogorce, makar gdje živjeli

Jasno je da vecina u Crnoj Gori može odmah da prihvati bilo koji postojeci model referenduma iz
zemalja Evropske Unije kao medjunarodno priznati standard. Time bi se u potpunosti ispunio zahtjev
iz tacke 3 Sporazuma o izmjeni Ustavne povelje koja doslovno kaže da “regulativa o mogucem
referendumu ... mora biti zasnovana na medjunarodno priznatim demokratskim standardima
jasno je da su i vlast i opozicija u Crnoj Gori vec iscrpno saradivali sa Evropskom Unijom na poštovanju
ovih standarda koji se odnose na širok spektar vec dogovorenih pitanja u pregovorima. Ovim se
ispunjava ostatak obaveze iz tacke 3: “Država clanica koja organizuje referendum saradjivace sa
Evropskom unijom na poštovanju medjunarodnih demokratskih standarda

Danas je pogled naše maticne republike pogrešno okrenut ka Briselu umjesto ka Skupštini Crne Gore
gde se nalaze predstavnici suvjerene volje naroda Crne Gore.
Vrhovni suvjerenitet je u rukama gradana
Crne Gore i njihovih demokratski izabranih predstavnika. To je najviši demokratski medunarodni standard
koji poznaje svijet
Brisel nema izvorni suvjerenitet po Ustavu Crne Gore. Brisel je partner – a ne tutor. Na
Crnoj Gori je odluka da li želi da ude kao ravnopravna u Evropsku Uniju ili da prihvati da joj Brisel
diskriminiše gradane

I lekcija i posljedice su poznati. Ako se Crna Gora povinuje diktatu koji je suprotan vecinskoj volji
njenog naroda, nacinice sama jedan od najgrubljih prekršaja medunarodnih demokratskih standarda u
svojoj novijoj istoriji. Oružje i municiju joj pripremaju drugi – dok se od Crne Gore samo traži da podigne
ruku na samu sebe


Lovcenac, Novi Sad, Beograd, 22.02.2005


  Wednesday, February 22, 2006 2:36 PM

Open Letter to European Parliament, European Citizens
and Media

Concerning scandalous partiality and/or incompetence of Mr. Xavier
Solana in Montenegro 

Montenegro is a small State, but still bigger than a quarter of UN members. Montenegro
entered the First World War as a much respected kingdom with a thousand-year tradition and
epic history of successful resistance to different conquerors. It contributed to the victory of the
Entente Powers much more than can be expected from such a small nation and army. For all
contributions, sacrifices and suffering in the war, the Old Montenegro was “rewarded” in an original
way: it was occupied by its allies! In fact, with the blessing of France and the shameful indifference
of other powers of that time, Montenegro was simply occupied and annexed to Serbia

The Montenegrin uprising against Serbian occupation ended with a large number of killed
Montenegrins, enormous crimes against the civil population and ethnical cleansing
(i.e. a large number of refugees that never returned to Montenegro

For the Serbian regime of that time, Montenegro was considered to be the main obstacle in their aim
to create a unitary state. In fact, Montenegro favoured a confederation of six south Slavic nations,
based on principles that have an astonishing similarity to present day European Union! In fact, the
tragic end of Yugoslavia has its historical roots in that time, when the founding of Yugoslavia was
not based upon mutual respect, but on the Serbian domination of other south Slavic nations. I know
these events not only from history but also from the tragic destiny of my grand-father and mother

At the end of 20th century, before and during the war in Former Yugoslavia, Montenegro held a
very strong opposition to the Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic and his puppet government in
Montenegro. During those difficult and, for the opposition, dangerous times, many opposed ultra
nationalism and the war, promoting values of peace and democracy in a multicultural society,
supporting the mutual respect of all nations and religions. During the worst days of the war, the
threatening propaganda of a totalitarian regime, which had full control of the media, could not avoid
that one quarter of the population had both the moral dignity and the courage to actively defend those
values. In the beginning, the opposition was in favour of the continuation of Former Yugoslavia, but
after the dismantling of Yugoslavia (1991), most Montenegrins chose the independence of their nation.
We proposed Serbia and other former Yugoslavian countries; a union similar to Schengen which is
the highest level of community inside the European Union. As pacifists, we remain determined to
become independent through a democratic referendum, but both historically and considering the
events at the end of Yugoslavia, it is not a democratic question, but an essential right of a nation,
to be liberated from occupation. Nevertheless, we have accepted to apply democracy to change a
situation that is the antidemocratic result of force and terror

Our totally pacific and democratic opposition must not be confused with that of Prime Minister
Milo Djukanovic. The spirit for independence has strong roots within the Montenegrin population
and it is wrong and unjust to identify independence with Mr Djukanovic and to use his scanty
reputation as an argument against independence. The EU must not play with the destiny of a
nation just because it likes or dislikes a temporary leader. Mr Djukanovic was for seven years
one of the two key pro-Serbian leaders in Montenegro and the worst enemy of our opposition,
but in 1997, with a calculated risk involving his political carrier and even his life; he opposed the
politics of Milosevic. His party split into two. One part, lead by Djukanovic, gradually adopted our
plan for a renewal and independence of a Montenegrin state. The second component, lead by
hard ultra nationalists, directly or indirectly involved in the war and in war crimes, continued to
support Milosevic and still dream a Greater Serbia. With the support of ultra nationalists still in
power in Serbia and by an extremely intolerant Orthodox Church, they are an aggressive minority,
insensible to the universal values of European civilization and remain the last obstacle to our
independence. It is therefore beyond our understanding that the latter receive the indirect support of
EU bureaucrats like Mr Xavier Solana, who has proven not to be impartial! It may be that the biased
position of Mr Solana is the result of an incomplete understanding of a complex situation. However,
the prevailing opinion in Montenegro is that Solana aims only to be personally successful in his
mission in the Balkans. Consequently, being an opportunist, he knows that it is much easier to
obtain results by exercising pressure on small Montenegro - which has cleverer and more flexible
leaders - than on much bigger Serbia lead by rigid ultra nationalists. Therefore, justice and the
destiny of a small nation are secondary to his personal interest and success

In the fifteen years after destruction of Yugoslavia, Montenegrins have never obtained the right to
make a free decision about their future. Presently we live in a state created by Milosevic against
our will. After the end of Milosevic, this state (we call it “Solania”) was artificially kept half-alive only
because of the enormous pressure exercised by Mr Solana. There is even a rumour in Montenegro
that Mr Solana was efficient only because he managed to threaten and intimidate Prime Minister
Djukanovic, who is vulnerable because of his past, before he turned against Milosevic. So, we live
now in a country which doesn’t exist from a moral and even a legal point of view, since it is not the
result of a freely expressed will of both federated states, Montenegro and Serbia

It must be noted that during his rule, in order to change the ethnical structure and assure better
control of Montenegro, Milosevic intentionally sent a large number of Serbian refuges to
Montenegro who immediately obtained voting rights, in total violation of the law. Consequently,
instead of the “ethnical cleansing” which Milosevic performed in other regions, in Montenegro he
carried out an “ethnical filling”. Presently, Montenegro holds a world record in the number of
refugees compared with the size of the population. Just imagine an EU overrun by the sudden
arrival of sixty million people (mainly extremists) who immediately obtain citizenship and full rights.
In spite of this, we still hold a majority, but if there had been no “ethnical filling” our majority would
have been much larger. Of course, we will not subtract already given voting rights to Serbian refugees,
even if it was done in an illegal way. Confident that Solana never thought about this and other
aspects, it is nevertheless dangerous and damaging to dictate solutions for a situation one
doesn’t grasp well

EU experts have officially judged that the Montenegrin law concerning referendum is in full agreement
with that practised in EU member states. In spite of this, Mr Solana, who knows that we are the
majority, wants us to change the law and to introduce a higher threshold that doesn’t exist in any
other European country. The goal is clear: to impose a threshold that is higher than our majority,
in order to assure victory of a minority! In my opinion, such an attitude and the psychological
structure of the personality of some EU leaders, is a still greater danger for the future of Europe
than for the future of Montenegro. When in 1992 the Serbian ultranationalists took full control in
Montenegro, we didn’t hear a single EU voice in our support. But now, when we want to organise
a highly fair and democratic referendum, we are subject to pressure by the EU.
After all the “ethnical cleansings”, “ethnical fillings” and other violent changes in the region,
it is unfair to change an already good law, only to favour the ultranationalist opposition, an
opposition that doesn’t shout for more justice and democracy, but only for privileges. Presently,
in the regions of Montenegro where they hold a majority, our supporters will be under enormous
pressure, even afraid to go to vote. Just let me give a small example of the attitude of our
antidemocratic opponents: in 1993 the same Serbian leaders that oppose independence today
had enough power and absence of moral dignity to be intentional liars, and accused me for
inviting the international community to bomb Belgrade. It was a very dangerous accusation,
and I am far to be their major victim. Nevertheless, with which right does Mr Solana support
them against me? With which right does Mr Solana work to ruin my future and the future of
the majority of Montenegrins

I will be very happy to present my excuses to Mr Solana, should his evident mistakes prove to
be unintentional and just the result of insufficient knowledge and awareness, but it would be
terrible if the mistakes prove to be intentional, with the single purpose of achieving personal
success without any concern about the destiny of a small nation. Never before have I had
such a strong aspiration to be wrong

Dr. Dragan Hajdukovic


  Wednesday, February 22, 2006 4:36 PM

U poosljednjih šest-sedam godina nekoliko puta sam upozorio vlast i sve patriote koji
se bore za nezavisnu Crnu Goru da ne naprave grješku onu istu ili slicnu koju je pravio
Kralj Nikola i mnogi ministri toga doba. Evropa ce uvijek da pokuša da iskoristi ili vladine
grjeske ili njenu slabost i neodlucnost . Gospodo independisti, svi redom, shvatite da je
veliko zlo igrati se sa narodom i državom . Evropa je 1918. godine žrtvovala Crnu Goru i
dozvolila da je punih šest godina zalijevaju krvlju sve zarad nekih njenih i srpskih interesa .
Ako bi danas drugacije radila onda bi defakto priznala grješku iz 1918 . Ona to nece uciniti .

Evropa mnogo zagovara demokratiju a dozvoljava mnostvo nedemokratskih zbivanja i dogadjaja.
Evropa je nedemokratska, a uspijeva da vas konstantno plasi demokratijom. Pokušajte da
se sjetite zbivanja nije bilo davno, rušenje Jugoslavije, a zatim bombardovanje Srbije.
Sedamdeset osam dana stalno su udarali po istim ciljevima. To bi i slijepac primijetio .
Odmah po završetku bombardovanja postaše najveci prijatelji sa svim onima koji su ili
ucestvovali u zlocinu ili bili zlocinci . I dan danas sva Srbija i citava Crnogorska opozicija
vise vole Milosevica, Mladica, Karadžica i sve zlocince nego li same sebe, a Evropljani najviše
vole bas sa njima da saradjuju. Solana punih sest godina dolazi kad god pozeli , prenemaze
se i nudi evropske usluge a naivna Crnogorska vlast sve to prihvaca. Nikad još nije došao u
Podgoricu da se nije predhodno dogovorio u Beogradu . Takodje Tadic i Kostunica vise
provedoše vremena u Brisel, nego li u svojoj zemlji. Zapamtite Crnogorci, da vas ne voli ni Solana
ni svi njegovi sljedbenici. Prihvatili ste gospodina Lajcaka samo zato što ste naleceli misleci
da je u njemu Slavenska krv . Možda i jeste krv, ali nije narav nego baš Evropska.
On je došao
kod vas da radi za Evropu i za Solanu, a ne za vas . Kad bi radio za vas bio bi u Briselu,
a ne u Podgorici. Ne bi o vama sa vama razgovarao, nego sa Evropljanima o vama. Kad bi
gospodin Lajcak imao i malo sluha za Crnu Goru nebi vam ponudio takav, do sada, nevidjen
prijedlog u civilizovanom svijetu 50 + 5, nego bi casno i pošteno podnio ostavku . Ja licno, kad bih
znao da ce independisti pobijediti i sa dvotrecinskom razlikom, ne bih pristao da ponižavam
glas bilo kojeg glasaca nego bih ostao sa 50 + 1 procenat koji bi vazio za oba tabora .

Ako dodje do bilo kakvog kompromisa izmedju vlasti i opozicije, cak bilo izmedju Brisela i
drzave Crne Gore, tu ne moze biti nicega dobrog jer sam kompromis je da budu svi
gubitnici ili nezadovoljnici. Crna Gora ima svoj Ustav, i vi morate samo, i jedino, primijeniti tu
tacku ustava za Referendum . Ako slucajno opozicija bude zagovarala bojkot, onda neka
Skupština uvede klauzulu da od onih koji izadju na glasanje bude vecina 50+ 1 procenat .
Nikad vise ne dozvolite da vam stranac vršlja po kuci .

Solana i njegov neljucki aparat vec duze vremena kalkulišu sa procentima i oni su izracunali
da im je dovoljno tih 55 procenata za unitaristicki blok . Ako im kalkulacija bude loša, bice
im mnogo zao i pokusace sve sto budu mogli da i dalje vrše pritisak na aktuelnu Crnogorsku
vlast. Vidite li koliko su jadni i bijedni kada, tobož, vrše pritisak na Srbiju oko hapšenja
Mladica i Karadžica. Ispada, da ih beogradski mangupi zajebavaju, ali nije nego se tako
dogovaraju kao sto su se dogovarali i oko bombardovanja . Jos je jadnije gledati kako sude
Miloševicu & Co. a sa njegovim najblizim saradnicima su se slizali kao lezbejke . U stvari 
Miloševicu je sigurnije u Hag-u nego u Beogradu. Oni ga spasavaju od sigurne smrti . Veliki
Njegoš bi rekao - "Upamet se dobro Crnogorci", a ne znam da li bi sada išta i rekao kad bi
vidio kakvi smo
Toronto , Feb. 18. 2006.
Branko Aleksic

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